Friday, 9 August 2013

Regressive Taxation explained


Regressive Taxation is a term that refers to any kind of taxation that affects the poor more than the rich. Taxation schemes are described as regressive if the apply a larger burden (in terms of available resources) on the poor, than the rich.

Put simply, a regressive tax is one that takes a larger chunk out of a poor persons income, than it does out of a rich one's.

Regressive Taxes are extremely common in the UK, I'll run through a number of examples before looking at another factor that increases the regressivity of the UK tax system; taxation asymmetry.

VAT

VAT is usually the most commonly cited example of regressive taxation. Research has consistently proved that the poor pay a higher share of their income in VAT than the rich. This is due to the Marginal Propensity to Consume (poor people spend a higher proportion of their income, rich people save a higher proportion).

A study by the Office for National Statistics in 2008/09 found that the poorest 20% of the population spend 8.7% of their income on VAT, whilst the wealthiest 20% spend only 4.0% of their income on VAT.
The evidence is absolutely clear that VAT is a regressive tax, however that doesn't stop right-wing VAT apologists lying about it. They often claim that VAT is not regressive because rich people spend more than poor people, therefore they pay more VAT, but this is a deliberately misleading argument. It doesn't matter that a wealthy individual actually pays more VAT in cash terms (because they buy expensive clothes and luxury items for example) because the VAT burden in relation to their overall income is still much lower than the relative VAT burden on a poor individual.

One of the key indicators that VAT is a regressive taxation is that it is highly favoured by the Conservative party. They have increased VAT on several occasions, including 1979, 1991 and most recently 2010, just a few weeks after categorically stating that they had no plans to raise VAT during the 2010 General Election campaign.

Fuel Tax
In western economies fuel tax is another regressive taxation because the working poor generally spend a higher percentage of their income on fuel than the rich. The individual that earns £1,000,000 a year is extremely unlikely to spend 50 times as much on fuel as the individual that earns £20,000 a year. Even if this hypothetical wealthy individual owns a fleet of luxury sports cars with large high fuel consumption engines, it is hard to imagine how they could spend so much time on this hobby that they spend 50 times as much on fuel as the £20,000 earner that commutes to work on a regular basis.

The reason I quantified the opening paragraph with "in western economies" is that in many poorer economies, where vehicle ownership is very rare amongst the poorest 20% (most African countries, parts of Latin America, large swathes of Asia), the regressive effect doesn't exist for them, since the poor majority rarely purchase gasoline or diesel. The regressivity still exists, but only between the wealthy minority and the remainder of the relatively small vehicle owning class
.

National Insurance
National Insurance is another example of a regressive taxation. The reason that National Insurance is regressive is that earnings above the National Insurance Upper Earnings Limit (UEL) of £41,150 per year (as of 2013) are subject to just 2% NI contributions on salaries and benefits in kind, whilst people earning between the Primary Threshold of £7,755 and the UEL of £41,150 must pay 5.85% on salaries and 12% on benefits in kind.

This massive disparity between the proportion of income paid in NI contributions by the majority of workers, and the significantly smaller amount paid by extremely high earners makes National Insurance another example of regressive taxation.

Here are some examples:

Percentage of basic salary paid in National Insurance:
£20,000 per year      =
3.58%
£50,000 per year      = 4.25%
£100,000 per year    = 3.12%
£1,000,000 per year = 2.11%
£2,000,000 per year = 2.06%

As you can see from the examples, the upper middle class actually pay marginally more as a percentage of their income in National Insurance than the working poor, however, the higher the earnings above the £41,150 upper threshold, the smaller the relative burden of National Insurance becomes.

Council Tax

Council Tax is yet another example of a regressive taxation because of the absurd and arbitrary way that Council Tax Bands have been calculated.

The way the bands work in England is that a Band H property (valued at £320,001 or more in 1991) pays three times the council tax of a Band A property (worth £40,000 or less in 1991). Because the nominal value of the property is at least 8 times as high between Band H and Band A, a tax differential of 3:1 is actually very small.

Since the upper limit is a value of £320,001, this means that a multi-million pound mansion might pay the same, or only very marginally more than a large family home. When considered as a proportion of the property value a typical Band H charge of £2,536 on a mansion valued at £2.6 million represents a minuscule  0.1% of the property valuation, whilst a house valued at £162,500 paying a typical Band G charge of £2,113 is shelling out 1.3% of the property valuation. An individual inhabiting a house that was only valued at £10,000 in 1991 facing a typical Band A charge of £845 is left shelling out 8.45% of the valuation of their property.

To put these figures into perspective, it would take the country mansion dwelling family around 1,000 years of Band H Council Tax contributions to pay out the nominal property valuation of their dwelling. It would take the upper middle class professional with a large house in the leafy suburbs around 77 years of Band G contributions to pay off their nominal property value. And the poor occupier of the inner city slum dwelling would shell out the nominal valuation of their property in less than 12 years of Band A contributions.

Another factor to consider is that holiday homes and second homes are given a 50% council tax reduction, which means that someone with two Band H properties each nominally valued at over £1 million, would end up paying less in Council Tax for each of their two properties, than the owner of a Band G property with a nominal value of just over £160,000 pays for their single property.

Under the current Council Tax setup, it turns out that the more valuable the property, the lower the proportion of its value that must be paid in Council Tax, and the more properties an individual owns, the lower the burden of Council Tax becomes in relation to the value of the property portfolio.


Sin Taxes
Sin Taxes, which are sometimes called Pigovian Taxes (after Arthur Pigou, the English economist that developed the concept of economic externalities) are taxes which are applied on products like alcohol, cigarettes and coffee. Sin Taxes are amongst the most regressive forms of taxation because taxation on these "sinful products" does not account for ability to pay, meaning that the less well off pay a higher proportion of their income through these taxes.

According to research by The Tax Foundation in the US, the least wealthy 20% spend a 78% larger share of their income on alcohol taxes than people in the top 20%, and a staggering 583% larger share of their income on tobacco taxes.

In my view taxation on products with negative externalities (health costs, public disorder, domestic violence, pollution ...) should be taxed in order to cover the socio-economic costs, however, the way these taxes are currently applied results in the less well off bearing the greater proportional burden for their "sinful habits".


Bedroom Tax
[main article]
Before the pedants point out that "Bedroom Tax" isn't actually a tax in the strict sense of the word, it is still a government policy aimed at transferring the burden of austerity onto many of the poorest families and individuals in society. It is now absolutely clear that there is nowhere near enough smaller social housing available for everyone being hit by "Bedroom Tax" to relocate to, meaning that the vast majority are left with no choice but to cut their living standards in order to scrape together the money to pay "Bedroom Tax".

Taxation asymmetry

Aside from all of the regressive forms of taxation, there is another factor that plays a major role in widening the regressivity of the UK tax system. This factor is is lax tax enforcement, which causes taxation asymmetry.

To put it simply, it is much easier for the wealthy to reduce their tax burden through tax-dodging activities than it is for the ordinary person. The more permissive the tax system becomes in regards to tax-dodging, the lower the burden of taxation becomes on those wealthy enough to employ expensive tax lawyers to help them reduce their tax burden.


Taxation asymmetry means that wealthy bankers, celebrities and even Labour politicians can massively reduce their burden of taxation by using tax-loopholes or personal service companies, in order to avoid paying income tax and national insurance contributions on large chunks of their income. Some famous examples of wealthy people avoiding tax on their income include the Tory party donor George Robinson, the Topshop boss and Tory party "efficiency adviser Philip Green the so-called comedian Jimmy Carr and the former mayor of London Ken Livingstone.



The lax tax collection system in the UK allows many thousands of wealthy individuals to dodge paying their fair share of income tax, which is one of the very few UK taxes that isn't regressively applied. If the wealthy minority can just set up tax dodging schemes to avoid paying income tax on their fortunes, the progressive nature of the tax is invalidated, and a very unfair situation is created between the wealthy that do pay the expected amount of income tax on their earnings, and those that use tax-dodging schemes to avoid paying their share.

Taxation asymmetry is even more apparent in the business environment. The asymmetry between the tax burden on a Starbucks coffee shop franchise and a local independent shop without the means to divert profits offshore via convoluted transfer pricing schemes creates the situation where a Starbucks franchise pays virtually no corporation tax, whilst the local independent coffee shop is hit with the full tax load, means that the tax-dodging corporation has a massive unfair advantage.

  
Conclusion

The tax system in the UK is highly regressive and the policies of the Tory - Lib Dem coalition are making this situation worse. The Liberals hide their complicity in this behind the fig leaf of the rises in the lower threshold of income tax, but the small gains ordinary people have made from this have more than been wiped out by increases in other regressive forms of taxation and through the unprecidented scale of wage repression. For everything the Liberals have given with one hand, the Tories have taken away manyfold with the other.

It is hardly surprising that the dual strategy of making the taxation system even more regressive than it already was and the unprecidented scale of wage repression in the UK economy have coincided with the weakest period of economic recovery since records began. The creation of a consumerist economy majority populated by an over-taxed, under-paid and debt laden proletariat would be an utterly absurd venture from an economic perspective. However, given their policies of regressive taxation, wage repression and debt inflation it seems to be exactly what the Tory led government are working to achieve.

 



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Wednesday, 7 August 2013

Godfrey Bloom: intemperate language, political non-apologies and outright lies.

In July 2013 the UKIP MEP Godfrey Bloom made a number of statements about the UK foreign aid budget that illustrate what a borderline racist party UKIP actually is.

He told an approving crowd of UKIP supporters in the West Midlands that Britain should stop sending aid to "Bongo Bongo Land" and that most of the UK foreign aid budget is spent on ""to buy Ray-Ban sunglasses, apartments in Paris and Ferraris".

It took several weeks for the fuss to reach the national press, when they picked up on a radio interview where he tried to defend the use of the phrase "Bongo Bongo Land". Within hours of the mainstream press furore Nigel Farage condemned Bloom's use of the phrase "Bongo Bongo Land" and instructed him to pen a public apology. It is worth noting that Farage's only criticism of Bloom, was for his "wrong language", which was quantified with a statement of 100% support for Bloom's assertions about the UK foreign aid budget, here's exactly what he said:

"Godfrey 100% right over foreign aid budget but pleased he's apologised over the wrong language he used."


Thus it seems that Nigel Farage agrees 100% with the ridiculous false assertion that most of the UK foreign aid budget is spent on luxury items, sports cars and apartments in Paris. There's not really any other way of interpreting 100% support is there?

Alongside the statement of support for Bloom's ridiculous comments about Ray-Bans and apartments in Paris, Farage included a link to Bloom's public apology, which is yet another example of the political non-apology where the politician apologises for any "offense that might have been caused", rather than apologising for having made the statement in the first place. Bloom also tries the ridiculous defence that he didn't think that referring to poor countries as "Bongo Bongo Land" could be seen as offensive. If it is true that he didn't realise that "Bongo Bongo Land" could be deemed offensive, this just goes to illustrate the insular mindset of the UKIP community, where barely concealed racism is not considered offensive by anybody.

For me, the most important element of Bloom's abject so-called apology is a bit of rabble-rousing rhetoric in the penultimate paragraph, where he makes the unsubstantiated assertion that UK foreign aid has been used by the Argentine government to buy Mirage fighter jets. This is a grotesque misrepresentation at best, and an outright lie at worst. Here's what he said:

"My aim, successful as it appears, was to demonstrate the immorality of sending [money abroad], some to buy arms - Mirage fighters in Argentina is just one example."
After a bit of research, I found that according to the Daily Express (which may pass as a reliable source in UKIP circles, but not here) the total UK contribution to Argentine between 2007 and 2013 is supposedly to £27 million . £7 million from a contribution to a joint EU fund, and £20 million in the form of a World Bank loan. I found absolutely no evidence (reliable or otherwise) to justify an assertion that any of this cash had been spent of Mirage fighter jets.

It is absolutely clear where the £7 million contribution to the €50 million EU Development and Cooperation Fund is allocated (source).

  • Education to increase social inclusion and vocational training capacity (32.9%)
  • Economic competitiveness for small businesses (35%)
  • Strengthening EU-Argentina relations (32.1%)
If Godfrey Bloom has evidence that any of this EU money was spent on Mirage fighter jets instead, I'd like to see it because it would be a massive fraud. If it is the case that Mr Bloom has evidence that Argentina used EU social development funds to purchase military hardware, it is somewhat surprising that it hasn't been widely publicised by UKIP, given their ideological opposition to the EU.

It is a bit of a stretch to even consider the £20 million contribution to the $450 million World Bank loan to Argentina as foreign aid, given that it takes the form of a repayable loan, so it should be considered foreign investment rather than foreign aid. However, for the sake of clarity I'll explain what that loan is too.

The World Bank loan to Argentina is "
to support the Government of Argentina’s strategy towards increasing rural productivity in the regional economies of the country (areas outside of the Pampas) and supporting the development of a knowledge economy". All funds provided through this loan facility are also clearly allocated (source):

  • $300 million will support investments in public infrastructure and services in rural areas, as well as complementary on-farm and off-farm private investments, in the Regional Economies. All investments will be aligned with the Provincial Agricultural Development Strategies.
  • $150 million supports the expansion of Argentina’s capacity to generate productive innovation in knowledge-based areas by creating highly skilled human capital; facilitating the creation of new knowledge-based companies; fostering private–public collaborations in the priority areas of information and communication technologies (ICT), nanotechnology and biotechnology; upgrading research-infrastructure; and strengthening the system’s overall policy framework.
Again if Mr Bloom has any evidence that these World Bank loan funds have been spent on Mirage fighters, rather than on rural development and the development of the Argentine "knowledge economy", perhaps it would be good of him to hand his evidence over to the World Bank?

There is one further point that some drooling UKIP reactionary may try to raise, that this £7 million in clearly allocated foreign aid and £20 million in clearly allocated foreign investment could allow the Argentine government to spend some extra money on acquiring Mirage fighters. Lets have a little think about how many Mirage fighters one could buy with £27 million. It turns out that it is actually impossible to buy a new Mirage fighter, since the aircraft went out of production in 2006.

It seems that Bloom is referring to the purchase by Argentina of 20 second hand Mirage fighters from the Spanish Airforce. These fighter were built in the mid 1980s and are badly outdated, hence the Spanish government getting rid of them. Even if the entire £27 million in aid and loans was diverted to this fighter plane purchase (which it clearly wasn't), it would only have funded the transfer of 3 of these outdated jets.

Bloom provides no source at all to justify his assertion that EU and World Bank funds have been misappropriated in this way, and it seems that the subject of Argentine fighters was only raised in a pathetic effort to get narrow minded reactionaries on his side by invoking the "Argentine bogeyman".

I believe that filling out what is purportedly a public apology for offensive language with a pack of lies (or unsubstantiated assertions at absolute best) is hardly a good strategy. Lying to the electorate is contemptible enough, but doing it in a public apology must be some kind of all-time low.


There are a number of issues about the way UK foreign aid is allocated (especially the fact that George Osborne has opened a new tax loophole to allow British based companies to avoid tax on their profits from countries that receive UK foreign aid). Far too much UK foreign aid ends up in corporate hands, and not enough in the hands of the genuinely needy. Nigel Farage's 100% endorsement of Bloom's ridiculous comments and outright lies does absolutely nothing to enhance the debate over the way foreign aid is spent, it simply clarifies the fact that Farage endorses the misleading rhetoric and lies spouted by one of his senior UKIP colleagues.


Whether or not you find Bloom's intemperate language offensive, the essential point to I would like you to take from this post is that the telling of lies about the foreign aid budget clouds the water and makes having a rational debate on foreign aid spending that much more difficult. It is clear that Bloom and Farage don't want to have a rational debate about the way foreign aid is spent as they claim, they simply want to whip up a frenzy of xenophobia with a pack of lies.

The liar is the enemy of honest and objective debate.

 



Another Angry Voice is a not-for-profit page which generates absolutely no revenue from advertising and accepts no money from corporate or political interests. The only source of revenue for Another Angry Voice is the  PayPal  donations box (which can be found in the right hand column, fairly near the top of the page). If you could afford to make a donation to help keep this site going, it would be massively appreciated.



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Monday, 5 August 2013

Tory Bedroom Tax: tax the poor, subsidise the rich

One of the most unpopular policies from a government that seem absolutely intent on ramming through as much rotten legislation as possible, is "Bedroom Tax".

In the months leading up to the introduction of "Bedroom Tax" there was a storm of criticism. I wrote several articles damning the plans as malicious, grotesquely hypocritical and economically illiterate. I also pointed out that some 70% of affected families have one or more severely disabled members.

One of the main objections I raised was that a desperate shortage of smaller social housing, and the fact that priority is always given to the most needy (such as homeless families) ahead of people simply wanting to relocate, would mean that families would be trapped in a situation where they couldn't relocate to a smaller social property, even if they tried.

Now that the scheme has been in operation for four months, it has become absolutely clear that my prediction was absolutely correct. Freedom of Information requests have shown that (of the local councils that bothered to collect the data) there are an average of only 3.8 smaller social houses going spare, for every 100 families affected by "Bedroom Tax". This means that the stated Tory justification narrative for "Bedroom Tax" (that it will incentivise families to relocate to smaller properties) is totally inapplicable to an astonishing 96% of families effected by the scheme.

It is also important to remember that relocating families will be unlikely to get many of these smaller properties, given that high priority cases like homeless families, or people living in temporary accommodation like bedsits, will always get priority over people that have a stable home environment.

The fact that the overwhelming majority of social housing tenants affected by "Bedroom Tax" have absolutely no possibility of relocating to a smaller social housing property means that they are left with two options.
1. They can stay where they are and pay the tax. This would mean that "Bedroom Tax" works as a housing tax on some of the poorest families in society.
2. They can move to a smaller, but more expensive property in the private rental sector, meaning an increased Housing Benefit Claim. This would mean that "Bedroom Tax" works as method of increasing taxpayer subsidisation of the private rental sector.
The thing that exposes the sheer malice of imposing a housing tax on hundreds of thousands of the most vulnerable families in the UK, is that in the very same week that "Bedroom Tax" was launched, the Tory led government also introduced an average £100,000 a year tax cut for Britain's 13,000 income millionaires.

The false economy of driving people out of their homes and into the private rental sector, meaning an increase in their Housing Benefit claims, is stunningly obvious. However economic literacy is clearly of little importance if the objective of the scheme is actually to greater transference of public wealth to the private rental sector.

It hardly seems like a coincidence that these two outcomes both align closely with the underlying philosophy of the Conservative party: "Take from the poor, to give to the rich". In a way the Bedroom Tax can be seen as quite a clever scheme which kills two birds with one stone; it smashes the (Labour voting) poor, and enrichens the wealthy (Tory voting) rentier class.

 Another Angry Voice is a not-for-profit page which generates absolutely no revenue from advertising and accepts no money from corporate or political interests. The only source of revenue for Another Angry Voice is the  PayPal  donations box (which can be found in the right hand column, fairly near the top of the page). If you could afford to make a donation to help keep this site going, it would be massively appreciated.



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Sunday, 4 August 2013

Marginal Propensity to Consume explained


The Marginal Propensity to Consume (MPC) sounds horrifically complicated, but like many economic terms it is actually quite an easy concept to grasp, in fact many people grasp it intuitively without actually knowing that there is even a specific economic term for it.

I've often heard people talking about how it would have been loads better if the government had've done a "people's bailout" rather than a "bankers bailout", because had people been given tax rebates, food stamps, debt write-off grants, single lump payments (sometimes described as "helicopter drops" - which is a phrase coined by the neoliberal guru Milton Friedman of all people)  they would have spent it within their local or national economy, created extra demand and stimulated more economic activity. This kind of view shows an intuitive understanding of the MPC.

Consumption vs Saving
The Marginal Propensity to Consume is formally defined as the amount of a person's  additional income that gets spent, rather than saved. 

To give a simple example: If the government gave every worker in the country a £500 credit with their next paycheck and you spend all of yours on food, clothes for the kids, and repairs on your car, you would have a marginal propensity to consume of 1.00 (or 100%). If another person only spent £100 on an evening out and put the other £400 into their savings plan or pension scheme, they would have a MPC of just 0.2 (or 20%).

This consumption vs savings definition is the traditional one, however it neglects a couple of important elements of spending which are debt reduction and capital flight. Using additional income to reduce your debt burden (pay off a credit card or outstanding loans from a Payday lender, pay mortgage arrears, reduce overdrafts...) can be seen as a form of saving, only that the returns on these "debt repayment savings" come in the form of reduced future interest payments, fines and fees. The relationship between MPC and capital flight is a more complex issue which I'll pick up later.

Wealth 
The MPC is higher in the case of poor and ordinary people than it is for the extremely wealthy. The greater a person’s wealth, the more of their basic human needs will have already been met, and the greater their tendency to save a proportion of their income in order to provide for future will be.

The marginal propensity to save of the richer classes is greater than that of the poorer classes. Thus it follows that if the government want to increase economic demand, then purchasing power must be transferred from the richer classes (with their lower propensity to consume) to the poorer classes (with their higher propensity to consume).


Disposable income
In essence, the Marginal Propensity to Consume is concerned with how individuals use their disposable income, which is the amount of money the individual has left over after paying their costs of living (usually defined as rent, tax, childcare and utility bills). The most common use of disposable income is consumption. When an individual spends a proportion of their disposable income on consumption (buying a new smartphone, going out for a meal, buying a book or getting some fancy new clothes) the retail sector of the economy benefits.

Aside from basic consumption, disposable income is also an important economic driver in another way. Without disposable income it is significantly more difficult for an individual to set up a small business or to improve their circumstances through education or training. If disposable income is lowered for millions of people (through ideological austerity) economic potential is retarded because significantly fewer people have the financial means to establish new businesses or to improve their productive capacities through education or training.

In a capitalist economy, disposable income is of paramount importance because it is one of the most important drivers of economic demand. When people have money in their pockets, they spend it, creating demand in the economy, or they save it, creating the capital reserves that the financial system is supposed to be based upon (hence the name "capitalism"). When people don't have money in their pockets, they cut back their spending, which reduces economic demand.

If people don't cut back on spending, their only other option is to get into debt in order to try to maintain their standards of living. The ever increasing level of private (corporate and personal) debt was the principal cause of the 2007-08 financial sector meltdown (over-leveraged banks, reckless lending, unsustainable property price inflation and sub-prime mortgages).


Fiscal Multiplication
[main article]

Considering relative MPC values for different socio-economic groups provides insight into what kinds of economic activity is stimulated by particular spending priorities. The way that these changes in economic activity are measured is called fiscal multiplication, which is another horrendously complex sounding term to describe a fairly simple concept, which is similar in meaning to "returns on investment".

If a spending project stimulates £1.50 worth of economic activity for every £1 in investment, the fiscal multiplication value is a strong 1.5. If the project breaks even, the fiscal multiplication value is 1.0 and if only 50p of economic activity is generated for every £1 of investment, the fiscal multiplication value is a poor 0.5.


There is solid economic evidence from America that spending on poverty relief programmes such as food stamps generates far more economic activity that giving tax-breaks to the super-wealthy. When the Bush tax cuts for the super wealthy 1% were made permanent, the economic returns on each $1 of lost government revenue was a pathetic $0.29. Meanwhile an increased provision of food stamps resulted in an impressive $1.73 return on every $1 in additional spending.
It is absolutely clear from these results that providing a small amount of additional spending power to the less well off creates vastly superior economic returns on investment than giving large tax cuts to the extremely wealthy minority.
Another extremely strong fiscal multiplier is the provision of social housing, which gradually pays back the investment cost through rent, and also creates a large increase in the MPC of social tenants, because their rent is much lower than the private sector, meaning that they have significantly more disposable income than had they been paying higher private sector rent.


MPC and capital flight 

[main article]

The Marginal Propensity to Consume is often contrasted with the Marginal Propensity to Save, as if spending and saving are the only two options to the individual. Things are obviously not that simple. The main problem being that national economies do not exist in a vacuum.

Other than spending or saving within the national economy, there is a third option that becomes more available the more wealthy the individual gets, and that is removing wealth from the national economy entirely. This can be done through the spending on foreign goods such as Italian sports cars or luxury yachts from South Korea for example, however this is more of a balance of trade issue than a capital flight issue. If the United Kingdom was more of a productive economy without enormous trade deficits, then more of that departing wealth would flow back into the national economy through the export of British manufactured goods.

The most problematic form of capital flight is tax-dodging, and the wealthier an individual or organisation becomes, the easier it is for them to shift their wealth out of the national economy into tax-havens.

The reason that it is so much more likely that the wealthy will extract wealth from the economy in this way is obvious. If an individual has a monthly disposable income of just a few hundred pounds, it would be an obvious false economy to pay a tax lawyer over £100 pounds an hour to build a convoluted tax avoidance scheme in order to extract this wealth, however convoluted tax avoidance schemes will create large returns for extremely wealthy individuals (such as the comedian Jimmy Carr or the Tory party donor George Robinson).

The same goes for businesses. A small operation like a barber shop or self-employed builder won't be capable of producing the necessary profit in order to justify the establishment of a chain of offshore shell companies for the purposes of avoiding tax, however due to economies of scale, "offshoring" is common practice amongst major corporations (in fact 98 out of the FTSE100 companies have tax haven based subsidiaries).

Once offshore wealth extraction schemes are factored into the equation, it becomes obvious that there is more to the Marginal Propensity to Consume than the traditional way of formulating it in simple spending versus saving terms.

For more information about how tax-dodging is detrimental to the economy, see my article on the subject.

Current policy
 
There are two strands of policy to consider in terms of the MPC: Fiscal policy and monetary policy. The government is largely responsible for the fiscal policy agenda, and the Bank of England is responsible for monetary policy. In this section I'm going to demonstrate how both institutions are engaged in policies that result in the transference of wealth to the rich, resulting in a reduction in consumption at the national level.

Since 2010 the Tory led government have engaged in a duel strategy of ideological austerity and wage repression (destroyers of economic demand because they affect poorer people with high MPC the most) whilst simultaneously enacting policies such as cuts in the top rate of income tax and huge reductions in corporation tax, which benefit the wealthy minority who have a a lower MPC.

Under Tory rule the average wage has fallen 9% in real terms (because average monthly wage rises have risen slower than the rate of inflation every single month for three years) whilst the corporate executive class have enjoyed a staggering 152% increase in their annual remuneration between 2010 and 2012. Not only that, but the government cut the income tax burden of the highest earners by 5% in April 2013, meaning an average £100,000 annual tax reduction for Britain's 13,000 income millionaires.

In the very same month that they handed this huge tax break to the wealthy (low MPC) class, the Conservative led government hammered poor and ordinary people with schemes like the Benefits Up-rating Bill, the public sector wage freeze and Bedroom Tax.

It is absolutely clear from these actions that the government has contempt for the Marginal Propensity to Consume, they are simply engaged in enabling a massive transference of wealth from the poor and ordinary to the wealthy, no matter what the cost to the economy.

The Bank of England are no better with monetary policy. Their policy of Quantitative Easing (magicking up money to pump into the financial sector, whilst holding interest rates at an all time record low for 4 consecutive years) has resulted in a massive transference of wealth to the super-rich minority. Their own figures show that 40% of the benefit of Quantitative Easing went to the wealthiest 5% of households. Instead of pumping this new cash in at the bottom of the economy and letting it work its way upwards, stimulating economic activity on its way, the Bank of England pumped it directly in at the top of the economy.


With the government and the Bank of England pursuing policies that result in transference of wealth to those with the lowest marginal Propensity to Consume, it is hardly surprising that the UK economy is suffering the slowest economic recovery in a Century, that the UK is recovering more slowly than any other major western economy bar Italy, and that the economy has still not recovered to pre-crisis levels almost six years after the financial sector collapse began. Given that both the government and the Bank of England have enacted policies which reduce the national MPC, it is almost as if there is an agenda to deliberately prolong the economic crisis.

Conclusion
Given that the Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne has absolutely no economics qualifications, it is possible to imagine that the guy is completely ignorant of the Marginal Propensity to Consume, however it is impossible to imagine that absolutely nobody in government, and nobody at the Bank of England has heard of it either. That both institutions have been enacting policies that reduce the national consumption by transferring wealth from the high MPC majority to the low MPC minority, suggests the possibility that the prolongation of the economic crisis is actually a deliberate macroeconomic strategy.

It is easy to understand why a Tory led government would ignore the MPC and damage the economy by reducing the income of the majority, in order to fill the pockets (or should I say offshore bank accounts) of the wealthy minority: Serving the interests of the wealthy establishment, at the expense of the majority has always been their game.

It is more difficult to see what the Bank of England have to gain by transferring wealth to the already wealthy, and robbing the pension schemes and savings accounts of the ordinary to do it. Perhaps it is simply that they so many of them have been indoctrinated with neoliberal pseudo-economic mumbo-jumbo when they studied PPE at Oxford, Cambridge or LSE (as most of them did).

Whatever the case, the fact that the UK is enduring the slowest post-crisis economic recovery in recorded history, and that the political and financial establishment are simultaneously working to ensure an unprecedented transference of wealth from the high MPC majority to the low MPC minority hardly seems like a coincidence.


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A political awakening



Number 3: A political awakening
 Richard Walsh explains how a debate over the August 2011 
riots led to his political awakening. 
 

One of the iconic images from the August 2011 riots.

It was August 2011 and across the major towns and cities of the United Kingdom youths were running amok. Violent battles with police, arson, looting, disorder and mayhem were a nightly occurrence. I didn't know it then but it would be a time that was to have a profound effect on the way I looked at the world and would awaken within me a political side to my personality that I didn't know existed. I was 25 years old and working as a gas mains engineer with my dad, as I had since leaving school at 16. Born and bred on a council estate in north Liverpool, the son of an Irish immigrant, I was always proud of my hometown and working class roots. One thing us scousers have is a strong sense of identity and community spirit. We look after our own here, like in many old industrial northern cities. There's nothing like being shat on from a great height by your own government to foster camaraderie and togetherness.
        

Anyway, I thought I had a fairly good understanding of the way the world worked. Not that I’d ever taken an active interest in politics, but I read the paper most days and watched the news when I got home from work so I felt myself qualified to discuss world affairs with work colleagues and friends down the pub. Sometimes if I was feeling particularly adventurous, I'd even stay up to watch BBC Question Time, so I firmly believed I had a knowledge of current affairs to at least match most people. When coverage of the riots reached me I felt an overwhelming sense of anger. Who did these scumbags think they were, going out causing mayhem and vandalising other peoples property like that? The police seemed far too soft on them, unorganised and undermanned, it looked like a shambles to me. Get the bloody water cannon out on the little wankers, I thought to myself. Why are we not bringing this flagrant lawlessness under control?
         

Enraged, I took to social media to vent my frustrations. While flicking through my Facebook news feed, I stumbled across a friend of mine with a very different attitude to my own. He was making the point that the big shops use sweat shop labour, mark their products up 3000%, employ people on poverty wages (that need to be topped up by the taxpayer) and then break their necks to avoid paying anything like their fair share of tax on their profits so good luck to the looters! I couldn't believe his attitude. What about the innocent people caught up in the melee? The cost to the taxpayer? These hooligans were causing chaos for kicks, not because they were championing some justifiable political uprising. In Egypt they riot for freedom, here its for Adidas trainers and flat screen TVs. So we became embroiled in ideological debate over the next few days, both obstinately standing our ground. I knew I was right but I was also aware that there were gaping holes in my knowledge which needed filling in with some research. I wasn't even sure what left wing and right wing meant in a political context, I mean I’d heard of right wing fanatics like the BNP who fantasised about rounding foreigners up like cattle and putting them on the first boat home after giving them a good kicking but I couldn't explain what left wing meant. We hadn't covered anything remotely political at school bar George Orwell's animal farm and that was to examine the literary techniques used, not the political connotations (although I do remember the teacher nudging us towards the notion that communism was bad, and can never work as people are inherently greedy). Any other political understandings I had learnt came from the media, either televised or the press. With hindsight, I now realise that I was very intellectually lazy during that period of my adolescence. Most of my spare time was spent out partying, drinking, mucking around or trying to get my leg over. It's true what they say, youth is wasted on the young and wisdom on the old!
      

Anyway, determined to improve my arguments against my friend (and pull his to bits), I decided to read the Communist Manifesto. I didn't really understand what communism was so it seemed like a good place to start. Anytime I'd heard communism mentioned in the media it had been in a derogatory manner, either in conjunction with human rights abuses, paired with the message that people in communist countries live in abject poverty while the ruling elite live in luxury or referring to some politician as a “crazy old commie”. I didn't know exactly what communism was but I knew it was bad and that was enough for me.
      

So I set to work reading the Communist Manifesto expecting to find a few fundamental flaws to expand upon and criticise but I ended up finding much more than that. Lots of the themes hadn't occurred to me before and although it was written over 150 years ago I found it strikingly relevant to the modern world I saw around me. People slaving away all their lives just to subsist while a chosen few inherited capital and power and lived lives of luxury on the back of others' misery and hard work. Children starving to death while food is simultaneously wasted or stockpiled, class divisions, the value of labour. This book got me asking a lot of questions that it had never occurred to me to ask before. Questions about myself, my own life, my job, the world I was a part of. Why had I never asked these questions before of my own accord? I’d always thought of myself as reasonably intelligent, I passed an entrance exam to a top secondary school where I was always in top sets, found schoolwork easy (although I only studied up to GCSE level), so why had I never thought about any of the issues Marx raised, rather than just accepting things at face value and carrying on with my life? It was a sobering thought, and really quite a frightening one. I think the main reasons were distraction and disinformation. After spending all week working long hours to pay the bills, in my spare time I wanted to do thing I enjoyed, relax, watch football, go out with friends and let a bit of steam off. I never had the time nor the inclination to question the status quo or seek out different political viewpoints and alternatives. Thus I only ever received a very narrow, one sided point of view from the mainstream media which I had gradually assimilated into my own thoughts through continual exposure. I hadn't searched out many alternative political viewpoints because I had no reason to distrust the ones I was already following. I suppose I had a subconscious trust in the integrity of the media and the uttering of politicians and so called “experts”. You just assume that they are in their job because they are intelligent and have the relevant education and experience to know better than the average person, such as myself. I wasn't naive enough to believe that all public figures could be trusted but there were systems and procedures in place to remove people whose moral integrity was questionable, so surely most must act to promote the common good?
      

After the Communist Manifesto put a crack in my rose tinted glasses I began to search out other alternative political literature and media to clarify my own opinions and broaden my political horizon of understanding. The ragged trousered philanthropists, George Orwell, Ernesto Guevara, Noam Chomsky and Seamus Milne were all valuable steps on my journey of enlightenment and before long the rose tinted glasses were off and I was seeing a much bigger picture than the one I'd seen before.
   
When you understand that governments actively try to keep unemployment high enough to suppress wages and inflation you have a different perspective on benefit claimants and welfare austerity. When you understand the shocking absence of social mobility in this country and the continuous efforts to kick the ladder away further, you can see how generations of teenagers become alienated from a society that ostracises them and offers them no future. You realise that from infancy our eyes and ears are bombarded by corporate advertising campaigns, inseminating our minds with the insatiable urge to purchase and consume to the point where we measure our social standing by the possessions we have, the clothes we wear, the money in our pockets, the car we drive, the house we live in. These things all too often take precedence over our achievements, our personalities, our morals and our humanity. Little wonder then, when you create a forgotten generation, detached from society with no prospects, surrounded by nice things they're indoctrinated to worship but can't afford, that they will steal them or turn to other acts of criminality to make themselves money, when society has long since washed its hands of them. Of course there are myriad contributory factors to the problems of society and outpourings of violence such as the 2011 riots, but to properly treat an illness you must target the root cause rather than just try and alleviate the symptoms with doses of police brutality and hasty imprisonment. This was what I came to realise after taking the time to educate myself.
  

Another Angry Voice has also been a fountain of great information for me, the incisive direct journalism on current affairs was like a breath of fresh air and the “what is ... ?” tutorials really helped me to fast forward my knowledge of economics, which is a must if your going to back up your political arguments. Right wing fanatics love nothing better than arguing with someone on a simply moral agenda because they can dismiss them as hopeless idealists, as a soft lefty, who believes in an unworkable cloud cuckoo land utopia. When you can back up your arguments with cold hard facts and economics they can't negate them, not if they're honest anyway. It gets really frustrating now for me personally, watching the mainstream media consistently repeating and giving credibility to information which is either misleading or simply not true, especially when I think of how I was taken in. If people were more aware of the real facts, I’m sure there would be greater resistance and hostility towards government policy, as most people value fairness and don’t like to see others suffering unnecessarily. The beauty of the truth is that it is true whether you choose to believe it or not. You cannot banish it no matter how many lies you shout from the rooftops, it is always there waiting to be found. It’s the moral responsibility of everyone who understands the crimes being committed against good decent people in this country and around the world to stand up and resist it, whether it is by protesting, organising or spreading the word to others. The more people who are helped to see through all the bullshit and lies, the greater the potential for positive change. Hopefully with Neo-Labour now seemingly intent on distancing themselves from the last tie they had with ordinary people, the trade unions, the left can stop flogging the Labour party dead horse which quite frankly is beginning to stink out the joint, and consolidate to form a new party.

I believe the next few years will be a pivotal time in British politics and its time for a swing back towards the left. The ever increasingly top heavy distribution of wealth in this country is bad for the economy, and relying on endless credit to paper over the cracks is unsustainable, as we keep finding out. It’s up to each and every one of us to get off our backsides and make the effort to do something positive, lead by example and build a better future for ourselves, our children and everyone else. As Margaret Mead once said "Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has".


 About the author
 


Richard Walsh is a frustrated political observer and social activist from Liverpool.


Another Angry Voice is a not-for-profit website which generates absolutely no revenue from advertising and accepts no money from corporate or political interests. The only source of revenue for Another Angry Voice is the  PayPal  donations box (which can be found in the right hand column, fairly near the top of the page). If you could afford to make a donation to help keep this site going, it would be massively appreciated.


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Friday, 2 August 2013

More Tory hypocrisy: Stuffing the Lords

On August 1st 2013 the Tory led government announced the addition of yet another batch of unelected political stooges to the anti-democratic House of Lords. Of the 30 new life peers, 14 are Tories, 10 are Liberal Democrats, 5 are Labour and one Green.

The fact that the Prime Minister of the day can simply select as many life peers as he likes to sit in the unelected House of Lords is one of the most anti-democratic examples of political patronage in world politics. To put the absurdity of our anti-democratic upper house into perspective, try to imagine for a moment the public outrage in the US or France if it was suggested that their fully elected senates were replaced with a system of unelected cronyism like ours.

Since David Cameron came to power three years ago, he has added an incredible 160 new life peers, which come at an average £130,000 a year cost to the taxpayer. This is a rate of 53 new peers a year, meaning that Cameron is adding unelected cronies to the House of Lords faster than any Prime minister in history. Tony Blair is the only Prime Minister to have averaged even half the rate of Cameron (34 peers a year). The rest of the people to have served as Prime Minister since Life Peerages were introduced, have added new peers at a rate of less than 25 a year. David Cameron's predecessor Gordon Brown only added only 34 peers in his three years, a fifth of the rate at which Cameron is currently stuffing the House of Lords.

Thanks to David Cameron's policy of stuffing the House of Lords, it has swelled to an incredible 861 members, none of them directly elected by the public and all of them entitled to £300 a day, plus expenses, plus subsidised food and drink in the various expensive eateries in parliament.

It is rumoured that Cameron has given the green light to yet another 23 Life Peers, but they are being made to wait a while before getting their free pass into the House of Lords because the government were afraid that adding more than 50 unelected peers in one go simply wouldn't wash with the public.

One of the most glaring problems with Cameron's abuse of the Life Peerage system is that several of the people he has given peerages to also happen to be enormous donors to the Conservative party. The pick of the current crop of 30 new lords is Anthony Bamford (of JCB fame) who had donated well over £2 million to the Tory party since 2001 via personal donations and donations through the JCB company accounts. Several other massive donors to the Tory party to have been given direct access to our pseudo-democratic parliamentary system include Philip Harris (£485,000 in Tory donations), Stanley Fink (£2.6 million in Tory donations), John Nash (£300,000 in Tory donations), Dolar Popat (£250,000 in Tory donations), George Magan (£800,000 in Tory donations) and Robert Edmiston (£1.1 million in Tory donations via his company). [source]

The fact that Cameron is rapidly stuffing the House of Lords with scores of Tory and Lib-Dem peers (including a concerning number of major Tory party donors) as a matter of official government policy is hardly surprising. It is clearly in the interests of the government to ensure that the unelected upper house is sympathetic to the government, so that any legislation the House of Commons passes, will simply be rubber stamped by the upper house. Stuffing the House of Lords with sympathetic cronies is exactly the kind of strategy one would expect of a self serving government with an aversion to oversight and accountability.

The problem for the Tories when it comes to their policy of stuffing the House of Lords with unelected political cronies, is that it runs entirely contrary to another Tory party policy, the electoral boundary reforms that were shot down in 2012 by the only noteworthy Liberal Democrat rebellion to date. The boundary reform plan was to reduce the size of the elected House of Commons from 650 members to 600, in a way that would ensure that the vast majority of seats to be lost would be in Labour and Liberal-Democrat constituencies.

Can anyone remember the Tory rhetoric on this? That a parliament of 650 is too big and unwieldy? Can anyone remember the official Tory party statement when the boundary reform legislation was defeated by the opposition parties and various Liberal Democrat and Tory party rebels? Well if you don't remember, here's the official statement released by David Cameron's press office:
 

"The Prime Minister's view is that he is strongly in favour of smaller, cheaper and fairer politics"

Now think about the way Cameron has been stuffing the House of Lords with scores of totally unelected Tory members (including several extremely wealthy Tory party donors) at an average cost to the taxpayer of £130,000 a year each. Think about the way Cameron has swelled the size of the unelected House of Lords from 704 members in 2010 to 861 now, with yet another 23 waiting in the wings.


Do these sound like the actions of a man that is "strongly in favour of smaller, cheaper, fairer politics"?

Do they buggery!

Once again Cameron's actions expose the emptiness of his words as just another populist justification narrative to obscure his real motivations (cementing Tory power by eliminating the parliamentary seats of opposition MPs). It is absolutely staggering that a man of such brazen dishonesty is able to serve as Prime Minister, he lies repeatedly and virtually everything he says is coated in a veneer of misleading political spin.

That Cameron is stuffing the Lords at an unprecedented rate is an incontestable demonstration that he was outright lying about his justification for boundary reforms. He clearly hasn't got the faintest interest in making politics smaller, cheaper and fairer. So what is the real motivation behind the Tory political reform agenda?

Lets think about how it is even possible to describe an elected house of 650 members as bloated and inefficient and demand that it is reduced by 50 members, whilst simultaneously believing that an entirely unelected house of 704 is nowhere near large enough and stuffing it with an additional 160 members in the space of just three years.

In my view, the only possible conclusion to draw from this contrast is that in the minds of people like David Cameron, the problem with the UK electoral system isn't that it is archaic, unrepresentative and riddled with anti-democratic practices, but that there is actually too much democracy and nowhere near enough unelected political privilege for their liking.


 
 Another Angry Voice  is a not-for-profit page which generates absolutely no revenue from advertising and accepts no money from corporate or political interests. The only source of revenue for  Another Angry Voice  is the  PayPal  donations box (which can be found in the right hand column, fairly near the top of the page). If you could afford to make a donation to help keep this site going, it would be massively appreciated.


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