Showing posts with label Infastructure. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Infastructure. Show all posts

Saturday, 21 July 2012

How can the argument for increased state spending be won?

Do Labour really want to claim that their alternative to malicious and incompetent
"austerity" is basically just  borrowing cash to pay people to dig holes?
I recently came across an interesting article on a left-leaning, Labour supporting website which called on the government to take advantage of all-time low government borrowing rates in order to invest in a number of projects such as a "national restoration scheme", to massively boost the number of apprentice schemes and to stimulate the house building sector. In general I agree with the argument but the author badly let herself down with the statement that "It doesn’t matter too much what we build, but it matters very much that we start to build something. And soon".

In the comments section I presented the case that it really does matter what is built. That what is needed is investment in the kinds of projects that can create proven social and economic returns (strong fiscal multipliers). I tried to explain that "building for the sake of building" is no good and that you might as well pay people to dig holes and fill them back in again if that is your argument.

The author responded to my point by saying that "the great irony is that paying people to dig holes then fill them back in again would work too". Whilst I admit that employing people to essentially do nothing can boost aggregate demand in the short term (via wages and increased consumer spending, lowered welfare costs), it would be foolish to create the impression that your policy is to just chuck money around willy-nilly. Indiscriminate spending would be just as irrational as the Tory policy of mindlessly cutting spending for the sake of cutting spending, even when the cuts being made are obvious false economies.

It is wrong to fund economic activity that generates fewer long term economic, social and environmental benefits than it actually costs. Firstly because there is already plenty of evidence to show that sustained investment in the construction of social housing (for example) reliably creates significantly more economic (and social) benefits than initial investment costs. And secondly because "paying people to dig holes" or funding activities with low fiscal multiplication values (such as tax give-aways for the super-rich or funding absurd vanity projects) is just creating a debt for future generations to cover, that is larger than the short-term boost in aggregate demand.

No politician in their right mind should be arguing in favour of wasteful spending at the expense of future generations, it just provides ammunition to the opposition and more than that, it is morally wrong to expect future generations to foot the bill for our short-term economic gains. The moral bankruptcy of shafting future generations for short term political gains is a lesson that should already have been well and truly learnt from the reckless creation of hundreds of billions of pounds worth of toxic PFI debt legacies.

Don't get me wrong, I'm wholly in favour of fiscal stimulus but there really should be more research into the most effective multipliers, so that proponents of state investment can adopt an evidence based approach to stimulating the economy. Allowing them to create strong factual arguments in favour of funding projects that have been proven to be more likely to provide long-term economic, social and environmental benefits.

If a more reasoned, scientific approach is taken, increases in spending on projects such as social housing, public transport infrastructure, research and development, education and high-tech industries can be presented as a short-term stimulus to boost the economy now, that will also improve economic prosperity for future generations, with an evidence base to support the assertions.

It would be far from easy to define an acceptable methodology, with a great deal of work needed to properly define how net benefit is calculated. The economic returns on investment must be considered but not at the expense of externalities such as social cohesion or the destruction of non-renewable resources.

To give a very brief (and over-simplified) example of what I mean: If a scenic rural railway line is re-opened, the combined boost in short term aggregate demand during the redevelopment process and the long-term revenues on the line may never cover the investment cost, but if the economic benefit to the local economy (increased viability of small local businesses, increased tourist appeal, etc) and the environmental benefits (a few hundred people using the train to commute instead of making long individual car journeys) are considered, the benefits may begin to outweigh the negative economic returns than the functioning of the line is considered in isolation.

I'm pretty sure the adoption of a carefully considered evidence based policy when it comes to allocation of state funds and the sourcing of articulate and economically literate spokespersons to argue the case could be a big vote winner, especially given the rising public anger at the Tories brand of  mindless, self-defeating, ideologically driven, seemingly incompetent, "cut-now, think-later" austerian pseudo-economics.


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Wednesday, 18 July 2012

The case for... Evidence based policy in UK politics


Defenders of orthodox neoliberalism often try to defend their favoured socio-economic ideology by pretending that "there is no alternative".
In this series I'm going to explore what some of these alternative economic strategies could be.



After two years of blundering incompetence from the Tory-Liberal coalition government there has been much talk of evidence based policy. The topic has even reached the pages of the Daily Telegraph, which are usually filled with the kind of reactionary sentiments that do so much to undermine evidence based politics. The article by Jonathan Shepherd makes a very strong case for the introduction of evidence based politics, one of the key quotes comes from Jon Baron, president of the US coalition for evidence-based policy, who said: “Distributing social spending the old fashioned way – with maximum regard for political gain and minimum regard for evidence of effectiveness – is a luxury we can no longer afford.”

I'd suggest the first step towards introducing evidence based policy would be to begin by teaching a few economic fundamentals to all elected politicians:

Lesson 1. What is a fiscal multiplier?
Lesson 2. What is an externality?
Lesson 3. What are anti-competitive practices and how do we avoid them? (hint: monopolies, oligopolies, information assymetry, cartels, price fixing, dumping, subsidies are bad)


The next step would to be to introduce routine assessments of the fiscal multiplication effect of government policies (taking externalities such as environmental degredation, use of limited/non-renewable resources, systemic risk, social disorder, health consequences, anti-competitive practicies into account). This kind of analysis would provide useful data on which government services provide good overall (economic, social and environmental) returns and which need to be made more efficient, scaled back or completely abandoned.

An approach like this would also prevent ideologically driven fools like Caroline Spelman from slashing state spending on economically beneficial flood defence projects, against the scientific advice and incurring significantly more economic damage that she saved through her mindless adherence to the failing cut-now think-later ideology of Osbornomics. By slashing spending on worthwhile flood defence projects Spelman was clearly just serving her own political interests. She was simply trying to win brownie points and future promotions from the ideological neoliberals that run the Conservative party by demonstrating that she would gleefully inflict the largest proportional spending cuts on her own department, without any consideration for the obvious false economies she was creating.

The problem of course is that proper analysis of the fiscal multiplier values of government spending would throw up a lot of results that all three of the neoliberal riddled, corporatist Establishment parties would abhor.

Government spending on social housing, public infrastructure projects and welfare projects usually provide good fiscal multiplication values, whilst tax cuts for the extremely rich have provided some of the lowest fiscal multiplication values ever seen. The 2008 Bush tax cut for the super rich resulted in a fiscal multiplication value of just 0.29, meaning that for every Dollar spent (in lost tax revenue) the economic return was just 29 Cents. Compare this to Spelman's flood defence cuts, it has been estimated that for every Pound spent on flood defences the country saves £8, an astonishingly high fiscal multiplication effect of 8.00, or a 27 times more effective use of government funds than cash handouts to the richest people in society (a favoured Tory policy).

Evidence based policy based on the assessment of fiscal multiplication values would create a situation where government would find it almost impossible to give vast tax cuts to their wealthy mates and financial backers and instead find themselves compelled to increase funding for economically beneficial projects such as building flood defences and social housing, providing healthcare, education and welfare, increasing spending on tax enforcement and cutting taxes that disproportionately effect the poor and ordinary working people (such as VAT and council tax). These outcomes are precisely the reasons that evidence based policy is highly unlikely ever to happen in the UK.


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