Showing posts with label Procurement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Procurement. Show all posts

Saturday, 10 November 2012

The economic case against tax dodging

The case against tax-dodging is more often made by those on the left than it is by those on the right, hence the tendency for tax-dodger apologists to deride the fair tax movement as a bunch of 'loonie lefties'. In this article I will attempt to explain that tax-dodging should be considered a major problem by economically literate people on either side of the political spectrum. The best way to make this point is to describe what tax-dodging actually is, and to explain the effects in economic terms. I'll try to provide explanatory links whenever I use complex sounding economic terms.

I'll start off with a brief explanation of my political position so that you know exactly who is explaining this stuff to you. To crudely oversimplify my stance, I'm a liberal social democrat. This means that I try to occupy the genuine middle ground. I try to see the value in diverse political and economic theories and pick the best aspects. I am sympathetic to elements of socialist theory, but I'm not a socialist. I'm sympathetic to elements of libertarian theory but I'm not a libertarian. I am however, a liberal and I oppose totalitarianism wherever I see it. I also believe that the best way to make a political argument is to base it on research and critical analysis and to back it up with evidence, something that makes me rather old fashioned since the current trend is to make political arguments based on Thinktank conclusions and the results of opinion polls and to back them up with simplistic justification narratives.

Right then, on with the article:

Tax-dodging can be split into two distinct types, tax evasion which is an illegal avoidance of due taxation and tax avoidance, which is a method of avoiding due taxation through the creation and use of elaborate tax-loopholes. They are distinct in that one is punishable by law and the other isn't, but they are basically the same thing, because they result in the same economic outcomes, in fact there is a case to be made that legalised tax avoidance via offshore tax havens is actually significantly more damaging at the national scale than tax evasion (but I'll have to cover that at a later date, this article is plenty long enough already).


The primary concern with tax-dodging is that the practice denies revenue to the government, which leaves the government with three options. They must either borrow more in order to meet their obligations (increase the deficit), they must cut back on spending and investment (by closing hospitals, by sacking police officers, by cancelling infrastructure investment, by releasing prisoners early, by cancelling flood defence schemes, by slashing legal aid...) or they must raise taxes on everyone else to make up the shortfall. In reality the modern state usually uses a combination of the three to cover the cost of tax-dodging.

The UK Prime Minister David Cameron is extremely unlikely to
 do anything  meaningful to reduce tax-dodging, given that the
Tory party accept political donations from tax-dodgers and
Cameron's own father was a tax-dodging Tory party donor.
The scale of tax-dodging in the UK is absolutely enormous. It is difficult to put a precise figure on the amount of tax that is dodged each year because of the inherently secretive nature of tax avoidance and evasion schemes. The total tax gap between what is owed and what is collected has been estimated by Richard Murphy of Tax Research UK at £120bn a year, which would be more than enough to wipe out the entire UK budget deficit. 

Another indicator of the scale of tax-dodging is research that has concluded that 98 of the 100 companies listed on the FTSE100 have subsidiary companies based in tax havens. The current Conservative led government have a very relaxed attitude towards tax-dodging, which is hardly surprising given that a number of their biggest donors are tax-dodgers, and because the Prime Minister David Cameron's family fortune was built upon his father's tax-dodging empire. The last Labour government were not much better, in fact they even signed off on a ludicrous deal to privatise the HMRC property portfolio (mainly tax collection offices) into the ownership of a company based in a tax-haven!

I don't want to base my criticism of tax-dodging on the moral case, because I know that appealing to the 'unfairness' argument simply doesn't wash with a lot of right-wing people, however it would be remiss of me not to even mention it. Many people, myself included, believe that it is simply immoral for one company or individual to dodge their social responsibilities and create the situation where others must pay more through increases in their tax burden or cuts to their services.

I want to focus my criticism on the economic case against tax dodging, but first I must address a right-wing concern that is often used as part of the tax-dodging justification narrative; the concern that the state is 'too big'. This is the idea that by dodging their taxes, people are actually 'helping' the country by incentivising the state to shrink. 

Well, even the most right-wing libertarians still perceive a role for the state, admittedly there isn't much for the 'libertarian state' to do but to protect property rights, but this would still necessitate taxation of some kind. Another form of state spending that very few right-wing people would argue for the abolition of, simply in order to reduce their own tax burden, is military spending. Whatever economic system is envisaged (other than anarchism, proto-economic barter systems or nihilist dystopias) there will always be a necessity for taxation. 

If one company or individual dodges their tax contribution, they either transfer the burden of taxation to others, they cause the elimination of state services or they cause an increase in the national debt. Given that the state can only ever be 'rolled back' so far, there will always be some kind of tax expectation, and because the kind of right-wing people that believe in the 'small-state' (minarchists), are the kind of people currently engaged in the sovereign debt fear-mongering campaign, this means that borrowing more is simply out of the question. The only remaining option for the economically literate right-winger is to transfer the tax burden to others, which, under libertarian theory is an infringement of other people's economic freedoms and an act aggression.

Even though many tax-dodgers employ the simplistic justification narrative that they don't use the NHS or receive any welfare benefits from the state, the fact is, that if they are engaged in any kind of economic activity within the state they are beneficiaries of government spending. By refusing to pay their share, they are expecting others to subsidise them through the direct and indirect economic benefits of state spending. I'll list just a few examples:
If the tax-dodger is a corporation or an employer, it is almost certain that some of their employees benefited from a taxpayer funded education (93% of Brits attended state funded schools), and continue to benefit from access to taxpayer funded universal healthcare (only a minority of jobs come with private health insurance). Without these provisions, the tax-dodger would have to select their employees from amongst the diseased and illiterate, or invest fortunes in educating their employees and providing private health insurance. By dodging tax, these employers are demonstrating that they are happy for others to keep their workers healthy and reasonably educated, but they won't contribute themselves.

If the tax-dodger runs a business, their customers benefit from taxpayer funded infrastructure (public roads and footpaths, the taxpayer subsidised rail network, the London Underground) to even get there, or for the services to be delivered to them. By dodging tax, these enterprises are demonstrating that they are happy for others to fund the infrastructure that contributes to their profit margins, but they won't contribute themselves.


Whenever a crime is committed and a tax-dodger calls the taxpayer funded police or makes recourse to the publicly funded courts, the tax-dodger is demonstrating that they are happy to benefit from the taxpayer funded justice system, whilst expecting others to fund it for them.

Now we begin to get to the crux of the economic argument against tax-dodging, which is based on this transference of the burden of taxation. In business, the most prolific tax-dodgers are the multinational corporations. They have the financial means to employ expensive tax lawyers and to establish subsidiaries in tax havens for the express purpose of avoiding taxation. The majority of small and medium enterprises in the UK do not have the financial means to hire tax lawyers, to establish complex tax loopholes or to set up subsidiary shell companies in tax havens, so they are left carrying the greater burden of taxation. We'll call this difference taxation asymmetry. 

One of the strongest and most regularly cited arguments in favour of the capitalist system is that 'the market' creates efficiency through competition. Used as a general rule of thumb, this argument is OK, however there are plenty of examples of state systems outperforming the market (the "socialised" universal healthcare systems of Europe vastly outperform the private sector dominated US healthcare system, both in terms of lower economic burdens and superior health outcomes) and also plenty of examples of grotesque inefficiency in the private sector (the G4S Olympic shambles, where the company had months to prepare and train security staff for the London 2012 Olympics, but ended up failing badly, leaving the state sector to efficiently pick up the pieces at extremely short notice through the deployment of thousands of police and military personnel). These counterexamples clearly demonstrate that private sector efficiency is more of a rule of thumb than a hard and fast economic law. I'll modify the private sector efficiency premise with the word 'potentially', so as to account for counterexamples of the aforementioned type. Leaving us with the (more-or-less acceptable to everyone) capitalist theory that through competition the capitalist market can potentially create greater efficiency than bureaucratic central state planning.

This brings us to the subject of what 'competition' actually is. It is a generally accepted economic principle that in order for competition to actually work, there needs to be a 'level playing field'. There are many clearly defined examples of anti-competitive practices that are used to create unfair market advantages, which include; monopoly formation, corruption, information asymmetry, cartel formation, price fixing, financial doping, dumping, tying, fraud, refusing to deal, political patronage and dividing territories. 

Taxation asymmetry is another form of anti-competitive practice, which is related to political patronage. It is easy to see how taxation asymmetry leads to unfair competition. If a government allows a large corporation to use explicit tax avoidance vehicles, whilst smaller competitors are left paying the standard tax rates because the establishment of tax avoidance schemes is beyond their means, this is essentially a form of political patronage to allow large corporations to develop a large cost advantage over their smaller, tax paying competitors.

If the ruling establishment allow taxation asymmetry to continue over the course of decades (as is the case in the UK), many of the smaller tax-paying competitors are driven out of business, leaving the large tax-avoiders to hoover up greater shares of the market for themselves. As the smaller competitors are eliminated or bought out, the large tax-dodgers begin to form oligopolies and monopolies, which reduce the need for efficiency. They can simply raise their prices to cover any inefficiency costs because they can get away with it in a market denuded of competition.

Taxation asymmetry is obviously bad for the small and medium sized enterprises that find themselves at a competitive cost disadvantage, but it is also bad for the economy as a whole. There are several reasons, including the fact that the aforementioned small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are the real drivers of innovation, demand and economic growth and because as the tax-dodgers hoover up ever greater proportion of the market, tax revenues will obviously fall. The elimination of SME demand and falling tax revenues drive the state back to the choice of deficit spending, destruction of services and investment or loading the tax paying elements of the economy with an even greater tax burden, thus further intensifying the downward spiral of taxation asymmetry.

In the current economic climate, it is absolutely clear that the act of dodging taxes is both against the national interest and an infringement on the economic freedoms of others, the ones that must make up the shortfall. The basis of the argument against tax-dodging is that in order to have a free market, you must first have a fair market because without a fair market, the driving forces of capitalist efficiency are diminished, and that taxation asymmetry is clearly anti-competitive and incompatible with the fair market.

I believe I have clearly established that if you believe in the competitive free market, you must see taxation asymmetry as a barrier to competitivity and efficiency. Whether you believe in a low-tax economy or a high-tax economy, you have to accept that the burden of taxation must fall equitably, otherwise unfair and inefficient market conditions are created.


If taxation asymmetry is as anti-competitive and economically damaging as I have described, the question must be asked; what should we do about it? Here are two proposals to reduce taxation asymmetry
1. A Ban on taxpayer funding of tax avoiding companies. There is absolutely no justification for allowing taxpayer generated funds to be provided to tax-dodging companies (in the form of subsidies, outsourcing contracts, R&D loans, procurement contracts, health contracts, IT contracts, training schemes, PFI deals...). If an enterprise won't demonstrate that they are a British based company (or registered subsidiary) that pay their fair share of taxes, they mustn't get a penny from the government. They should also have to demonstrate that all employees are paid in a tax transparent way, with no personal service companies, offshore dividends and the like.
2. A blanket ban on all tax avoidance schemes. After the government spending regulations have been brought into effect, a simple change to the tax code should be made to legislate that if a scheme is designed for the explicit purpose of avoiding tax, then it is by definition a criminal activity.
These relatively simple rules should be acceptable to left-wing and right-wing thinkers alike. After all, they would establish both a fairer and a simpler tax system. The creation of a simpler tax system is basically a form of deregulation, to be applauded by the right-wing. These policies should also be popular across the political spectrum because they would help to reduce the deficit, which could significantly reduce the scale of service and investment cuts (popular with the left) and reduce the deficit without resorting to tax rises (popular with the right).

Under the current economic circumstances, a clampdown on tax-dodging is the best possible approach to closing the budget deficit. Increased taxation at a time of economic stagnation would only worsen the economic situation by reducing demand, the extremely right-wing IMF announced in October that austerity is a self-defeating policy because "in today’s environment of substantial economic slack, monetary policy constrained by the zero lower bound, and synchronized fiscal adjustment across numerous economies" government spending creates much higher returns than previously expected, meaning that government cuts end up destroying much more economic activity than previously estimated. This leaves a clampdown on tax-dodging as the only viable option.

The right-wing really have to decide whether they are more interested in protecting the UK economy and reducing the fiscal deficit by attempting to reduce taxation asymmetry, or whether they are more interested in serving the interests of tax-dodgers and the wealthy elite.

The revelations about Starbucks tax-dodging exploits and the
boycott Starbucks campaign have seriously
damaged their brand reputation.
You may have noticed that the two proposals I mentioned are both political proposals. You may be thinking "but what can I, as an individual, do about it?" The answer is firstly to put pressure on your MP or your political party to implement 'fair tax' reforms, but you can also take direct action against tax-dodging companies.

Direct action works, you only need to look at the spectacular success of the Olympic Tax Dodge campaign, or at the rapidly declining Starbucks brand identity reputation after their scandalous tax-dodging activities were exposed by Reuters, to see that direct action like boycotts and social media campaigns can work.

The problem with direct action is that there is actually no way to boycott certain tax-dodging enterprises. Imagine that every single provider in a market is engaged in tax-dodging (not difficult to imagine given that 98% of FTSE100 companies are tax-dodgers). If you require a service or commodity in that market, you have no choice but to deal with tax-dodgers. 

Another example can be seen in government services: If the government are buying products or services from tax-dodgers on your behalf, you have no direct capacity to intervene. Take the tax-dodging Mapeley Steps deal on HMRC properties as an example. You can hardly boycott HMRC. I mean you can't boycott paying your taxes, especially if your boycott is inspired by your opposition to tax-dodging!

These problems with direct action bring us back to my 'fair tax' proposals. Our political parties must be implored to end taxation asymmetry and create a fair, 'level playing field' so that the capitalist market can function efficiently. If the government refuses to do this, it is essentially an admission that they are simply abusing libertarian free-market theories as empty rhetoric to justify the corporatisation of the state and the serving of wealthy establishment interests.

In conclusion: The only people that could continue making excuses for tax-dodgers are the tax-dodgers themselves or the half-witted Ayn Rand inspired anarcho-capitalist neoliberal pseudo-economic brigade; the kind of people that are so economically illiterate that they believe that stable economic systems can be built upon the foundations of a bunch of simplistic and loosely related adages like "private good, public bad", "all regulation hinders productivity" and "taxation is theft".

If you believe that the capitalist system creates prosperity through competition and efficiency, you must accept the case that taxation asymmetry is a barrier to competition as much as any "red tape" regulation, and that the tax code must be dramatically simplified and reformed to criminalise explicit tax avoidance schemes, and that the government must introduce a fair tax requirement to prevent taxpayers' money being used to boost the profitability of companies and the personal wealth of individuals, that refuse to pay their fair share of tax.



See Also

Tuesday, 24 July 2012

Tory tax scandals and some new tax proposals

George Robinson, yet another
Tory donor to be caught tax-dodging.
In July the subject of tax-dodging burst back into the headlines after the Observer published details of an astonishing study showing that the global uber-rich have stashed at least £13 trillion in tax havens around the world, an amount greater than ten times the entire economic output of the UK and larger than the 2011 GDP of the US and Japan combined. This revelation came the day after it was revealed that a major Tory donor had been forced to pay over £2 million in back tax after a tax tribunal ruled that George Robinson must pay income tax and National Insurance contributions on the profits from the attempted tax dodging scam he had arranged with his business partners.

In the wake of these revelations the Tory propaganda machine rumbled into action with a new strategy aimed at deflecting attention away from the uber-rich tax dodgers and extremely dodgy Tory donors by trying to shift the blame onto ordinary people.

The strategy was spearheaded by Treasury secretary David Gauke who began mouthing off about how paying a plumber cash-in-hand is "morally wrong" because it denies income to the treasury. The Tory attempt at deflecting criticism away from the tax-dodging banks, corporations and uber-rich that have hidden away £ trillions in tax havens is completely transparent to anyone but the deluded reactionary halfwits it was presumably aimed at.

There is so much wrong with Gauke's deflection strategy that I could fill a whole article, however I'm going to limit myself to pointing out a few of the most glaring flaws.

It is clearly not "morally wrong" for an individual to pay for services in cash. Paying in cash does not deny the treasury anything. Moral culpability falls on the service provider that doesn't properly declare their income. This is not just "common-sense" or a matter of opinion, it is part of UK tax law.

The cash-in-hand economy does cost the treasury money, but highlighting this as the main economic problem when it is dwarfed by the scale of corporate tax-dodging is clearly just a deflection strategy intended to protect the interests of rich Tory party backers.

What makes shifting wealth to tax havens significantly worse than the cash-in-hand economy is not just the scale of it but the fact that tax haven wealth is removed from the economy entirely, whilst a significant proportion of cash-in-hand wealth is recycled back into the UK economy. This means that the economic harm to the UK caused by cash-in-hand tax dodging is generally far less than it would have been had the wealth just been siphoned away into a tax haven.
It seems David Gauke has been put in
charge of the Tory deflection strategy.
It would seem that Gauke and the Tories have not learned their lesson from the Jimmy Carr case; that proclaiming moral indignation about tax-dodging is completely hypocritical when the Tory party is funded and supported by a legion of tax-dodgers, including the aforementioned George Robinson, their biggest donor and serial tax-dodger Michael Ashcroft and the tax-dodging singer Gary Barlow. Not only do the Tories take financial donations and free publicity from tax-dodgers, several key Tories benefit directly from tax-dodging, including their leader David Cameron who inherited hundreds of thousands of pounds from his father's tax-dodging empire and George Osborne who stands to inherit several million through a tax busting family trust fund. As one commentator on another blog pointed out, "It'll be a bloody cold day in hell before I begin taking morality lessons from the Tories".

The Tories seem to be more preoccupied with "managing the message" on tax-dodging than with actually doing anything to combat the avoidance/evasion of UK taxes.

Here are a few simple suggestions they could adopt if they were really concerned with ensuring people and companies make their fair share of social contributions:

Firstly, many of the World's most notorious tax havens are UK administered Crown dependencies such as The Cayman Islands, Bermuda, Jersey and Guernsey. If the government were serious about combating tax-dodging they should set about imposing trade embargoes and economic sanctions. One possible strategy could be to ban all transfers from tax havens to Britain and other law-abiding European countries except where it could be proven that full tax had been paid on the original funds before transfer to the haven. This means that tax-dodging shell companies would have to come clean about who really owns and benefits from them and depositors would then face a choice between being unable to spend their cash in the places they prefer to live, or repatriating their cash and paying a substantial fine.

A fairly simple change to government spending rules would also help. The rules must be changed to ensure that any company or individual in receipt of government funds (subsidies, loans, outsourcing contracts, care home fees, PFI contracts, housing benefit payments, procurement contracts, interventions [bailouts] or other forms of state payments) must either be British based or a British subsidiary and pay their fair share of tax. This would mean that any company hoping to suckle the teat of taxpayer generated government funds would have to avoid using tax loopholes and avoid facilitating the tax-dodging activities of their employees by paying them via "service companies". If they want to generate profits from taxpayers' cash, they must pay tax on their profits. I can hardly see how the Tories would be able to oppose such a fair sounding strategy other than by just completely ignoring it as Osborne and co have done so far.

Another rarely mentioned area of tax-dodging is the UK drug trade which is worth £ billions a year. All drugs should be legalised, regulated and taxed. The harder ones like cocaine and heroin should be prescription only. Obviously some people would grow their own cannabis and distribute it to their friends, but there would still be plenty of money to be made from cannabis through properly licenced cannabis shops. Consumers would soon switch to buying their drugs from proper regulated and tax paying outlets, apart from a minority that would prefer to grow their own easily cultivated drugs like cannabis and magic mushrooms, as long as these home growers do it for personal use or to give away, there would be no tax evasion going on.

It has been estimated that the state would save at least £18 billion a year if drugs were legalised. Not only would the legalisation of drugs bring in a lot of tax revenue and create vast savings in policing, anti-drugs propaganda and detention, it would also massively reduce a lot of the social harms associated with prohibition (acquisitive crime to pay massively inflated street prices and associated high insurance costs, sale to minors, contaminated drugs, overdoses due to inconsistent quality, drug pushing, funding of violent drug gangs, cartels and terrorists....). The legalisation of drugs is becoming a no-brainer. Cannabis has been de facto legalised in many states of the United States (which is where the ideologically driven push for drug criminalisation was sparked off by a bunch of illiberal moralising puritans in the first place). Decriminalisation in Portugal has seen vast falls in acquisitive crimes and addiction rates. Even people normally considered to be unthinking reactionaries are recognising that the "war on drugs" has been a complete failure, as evidenced by 60% of Sun readers recently voting that drugs should be legalised. The only thing standing in the way of a sensible drugs policy (that more than pays for itself) seems to be the puritanical and prohibitionist attitudes of the political classes.

If the government adopted these three strategies (of pressurising tax havens, outlawing state funding of tax-dodging enterprises and legalising drugs) the UK would increase tax revenues (and cut wasteful government spending) by tens of billions of Pounds per year.


See Also





Friday, 27 April 2012

The "evil state" vs "virtuous private sector" false duality


The private company National Express demonstrated
the "virtues" of the private sector by bailing out of the
East Coast Mainline franchise, leaving the taxpayer to foot the bill.
The state vs private false duality is the long standing right-wing position that "the state" is evil and that the only way that "we" can be freed from the "tyranny" of government is to reduce the size of "the state". The argument is usually expressed in defence of ideologically driven neoliberalisation strategies such as the dismantling of welfare provision or the privatisation of state assets (of the kind that may either generate a profit or be profitably asset stripped) to the supposedly virtuous corporate sector.

The first and most obvious problem with the argument is the fact that it relies on oversimplification, the facile "good vs evil" argument. There is no room for nuance in the world of right-wing propaganda. Upon any kind of examination it becomes clear that "the state is inherently bad" and "the private sector is inherently good" are false premises. There are countless examples of positive state interventions (the provision of universal education, and the prevention of child labour being two that are particularly difficult to contradict). There are even more examples of private sector immorality (the massive scale of corporate tax dodging, systematic fraud against their own customers, bribery, toxic waste dumping, executive greed at a time of "austerity", use of mandatory unpaid slave labour through Workfare,  jumping out of unprofitable contracts leaving the taxpayer to foot the bill....). Anyone espousing such facile "black and white view" conceptions of government and the private sector must either be a fool or a propagandist.

For the proponent to espouse such oversimplified arguments they must be using the ignoring the facts strategy. Since the 1970s the size of the state has shrunk dramatically with huge state industries sold off to the private sector (oil, gas, coal, steel, aviation, rail, water) and state services outsourced (diverse functions of local government, school meals, forensic science, court translation, PFI scams to name but a few) yet the living standards of ordinary working people have fallen dramatically since this process began. Wages have been stagnating for decades, pensions have been repeatedly attacked, the retirement age has been increased, personal debt levels have grown enormously and most families need both parents to work in order to make ends meet. If the "evil state" is so bad, why have things been getting so much worse for ordinary working people since the neoliberals began dismantling it?

When you come across the state vs private false duality argument, you may notice that the proponent uses the strategy of cloaking in emotive language, using negative words and phrases like the "parasitic" state, the taxpayer's "burden", welfare "scroungers" the "tyranny" of the state. The emotive appeal strategy is also used when the blame the victim fallacy is invoked as "evidence" that the state is bad. A typical example of "blame the victim" would be the accusation that the state encourages people to become unemployed "welfare scroungers" by paying unemployment benefits, without any consideration of the fact that huge numbers of people are made unemployed when their supposedly virtuous private sector employers decide to increase company profitability by sacking their local workforce and replacing them with much cheaper third world labour or simply sacking everyone and asset stripping the business.

Another indicator of a fallacious argument is the tactic of speaking on behalf of the majority. This strategy relies on the casual assertion that the proponent's argument has the backing of the majority through strategic use of the words "we" and "us". Speaking on behalf of the majority is a technique closely associated with far-right extremism, the 20th Century fascist movements used it to defend their ethnic cleansing policies and the modern day far-right use it to speak out against Muslim communities. Whenever you hear anyone speaking on behalf of the majority without a great deal of reliable statistical data to back up their assertions, you should be extremely wary of their agenda.


As with many right wing arguments,
the state vs private false duality relies
heavily Joseph Goebells' big lie strategy.
Returning to the initial criticism of oversimplification, one of the most fundamental flaws in the state vs private duality is that the state and the private sector are intricately linked together through the private vested interests of countless politicians, the secondment of corporate staff to political parties, the lobbying industry, corporate junketing, huge state subsidies and outsourcing contracts, hundreds of billions worth of PFI scams and joint "diplomatic trade missions" to sell weapons to third world countries. Under the neoliberal political system many politicians see their time in politics simply as a stepping stone to further riches, designing policy to curry favour from corporate interests in the form of boardroom positions or lucrative "advisory roles" to supplement their bloated government pensions.

If we are to allow blatant oversimplifications, a more accurate one would be a symbiotic establishment relationship between government and the private sector, working jointly to undermine the rights and conditions of ordinary working people.

As with most right wing nonsense, the state vs private duality relies on the strategy of argument by repetition, otherwise known as the big lie technique, a strategy described by Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels as "when one lies, one should lie big, and stick to it" and that "if you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it".

The state vs private duality has been repeated so often that it has become an unquestionable truism to the right wing media and the orthodox neoliberal political establishment. The casual assumption that the private sector is better than the state forms the foundation stones of countless other lame right-wing arguments, including the parasitic state argument, the golden hammer of neoliberalism, the unavoidable austerity position, the myth of private sector efficiency and the great neoliberal lie.
                
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Sunday, 28 August 2011

Letter to George Osborne

This is a transcript of a reply I made to George Osborne beneath a self-congratulatory piece on tax dodging he'd contributed to the Comment is Free section of the Guardian website (I also sent this letter to his parliamentary email address).

Dear Mr Osborne,

I enjoyed reading your article about tax dodging on the Comment is Free website and really hope that you stuck around to read the below the line comments it is sure to provoke, even though I'm certain that many of the responses will be far less civil and carefully worded than my own effort.
"Tax evasion is morally repugnant. It's stealing from law-abiding people who face higher taxes to make good the lost revenue. Those who evade taxes, like benefit cheats, are leeches on society.”
I'd like to applaud your strongly worded opening statements in this piece and hope that these are words of sincerity rather than some hollow rhetoric designed to appease an angry population without actually investing a great deal of effort in clamping down on these disgustingly selfish individuals you personally refer to as “leeches”.

That several high profile Tory donors and some of the institutions of the press that overtly supported the Conservatives during the 2010 election campaign and then avoided criticism of the coalition government agreement and the lack of “true mandate” that would entail, have been shown up as prolific users of tax efficiency/evasion/avoidance/dodging scams makes me fear that this conflict of interests makes the latter seem a more plausible representation of your true stance.

The fact that you are a politician also makes suspect a degree of insincerity given the egregious abuses of the Parliamentary expenses system only a few years ago. I'm not going to dig out your record on expenses as I'm attempting to write this reply in a civil and non-partisan manner. I don't want to make my response to your statements appear as some kind of biased personal attack and I don't want to get bogged down in an angry commentary about the 2nd home flipping scam. However I'm sure that you will agree with me when I say that that the whole of politics was tainted when it was revealed that many of your Parliamentary colleagues had engaged in the same kind of dishonest pilfering of public funds that you describe as “leeching” when done by tax cheats and benefits fraudsters.

The fact is that many of your colleagues in Parliament were allowed to get away with their dishonesty by merely paying back all (or even in some cases only part) of the pilfered state funds. Because of this you must learn to forgive the presumption of political insincerity held by the public. The public can clearly see that many MPs are still in their jobs having committed expenses fraud that would have been grounds for summary dismissal for most of us that rely on “real world jobs” for our incomes.

The perceived greedy attitude of the establishment elite and the huge disparity in the ways different kinds of theft from the state are treated are some of the principle sources of public anger. Politicians that have stolen from the public get to keep their jobs and handsome pension schemes. Under your Swiss tax deal, leeching tax dodgers that have stolen money from ordinary working people get to keep their anonymity (and in many cases a hefty proportion of their pilfered fortunes). David Hartnett is allowed to sign off on multi-billion pound tax agreements that have been personally negotiated after he was expensively wined and dined by the same companies facing these huge tax bills. On the other hand Benefits fraudsters that get caught are rightly hauled before the judicial system, given long prison sentences and often find themselves named and shamed in the press.

Having witnessed the “fast tracking to justice” of suspected rioters, looters and arsonists over the last few weeks, I would like to see some concerted effort to use the same “presumption of guilt” strategy that has been used to deny bail to rioting nihilists, used to keep suspected tax dodgers in custody, to act as a very strong deterrent for other potential tax evaders and as an incentive for others to rapidly clean up their tax affairs before the police come calling.

After all, using a premeditated accountancy scam to siphon £millions out of UK jurisdiction in order to avoid paying tax, although a much less visible "crime" it is a far more economically damaging activity than the participation in a spontaneous riot, the smashing of windows, or a single act of looting low-mid value beverages or consumer goods.

Instead of reading that suspected tax evaders get to keep their anonymity and have a right to a secretive appeals process, I'd like to have read that they are to be denied bail and locked up with the longest possible sentences if they are found guilty, as a strong deterrent. You make an admission that “It's up to me as chancellor to close the loopholes down” but it is also your responsibility to liaise with your colleagues to form a robust new tax evasion law to act as the strongest possible deterrent and an indicator to a rightly angered public that the age of wanton profiteering at the expense of the state is coming to an end.

You close your piece with the statement that under the “coalition government the hiding places for tax cheats are systematically being shut down [and] we will make sure that everyone pays their fair share”. If you honestly mean to pursue a zero tolerance attitude to tax dodging you need to come up with some more seriously robust legislation.

One area that I firmly believe needs addressing immediately is corporate tax evasion and my policy suggestion would be to begin with the fairly simple process of eliminating tax avoiding companies from bidding for or receiving government funds (in the form of subsidies, government procurements, reconstruction and redevelopment projects, health contracts, care home fees, PFI contracts, interventions (bailouts) or other forms of state payment). If a company is not prepared to establish an authentic British subsidiary that pays a fair amount of tax on the profits generated in the UK and instead uses tactics like tax haven based shell companies or other tax evasion vehicles to avoid paying UK tax on their profits or to aid their employees in tax evasion, they should have no rights to access the potentially lucrative benefits of the British tax system (receipt of taxpayers' money via the state). 

A specific case I'm thinking of is the insane Mapley Steps deal, where hundreds of HM Revenue and Customs buildings were sold off to a company that is ultimately based in the British Cayman Islands for tax purposes, with the astonishing consequences that the operators of the UK tax office estate pay no UK tax on their profits and the UK government is unable to reclaim the VAT on the rent of what used to be government owned buildings.

Perhaps you could take action against the many pre existing tax rip-offs like the Mapley Steps scandal. Many of the UKs other £160-240bn hidden PFI debt legacies (introduced by your party and then massively and recklessly overused by Gordon Brown & New Labour) are riddled with creative accountancy and tax diddling schemes. It is time to give them an ultimatum to either get their houses in order or agree to rescind their contracts.

Perhaps another potentially useful strategy would be to give some of the estimated 40,000 police facing redundancy in the name of "austerity" the opportunity to retrain in criminal accountancy forensics, with the aim of adding numerous carefully trained and diligent staff to an integrated “Tax Evasion, Fraud and Corruption Inspectorate (anti-spiv squad) to orchestrate criminal proceedings against the morally bankrupt profiteers that have been exploiting a permissive system, and in doing so have been giving the general concept of capitalism a very bad name. An efficient anti-profiteering team should be easily capable of self financing through the collection of unpaid taxes and the levying of hefty fines.

As you rightly claim in the article, much of this legacy of wanton profiteering at the expense of the state was permitted and even supported by the economically neoliberal New Labour party, but this comparatively lax attitude to white collar profiteering existed long before Tony Blair came to power.

As the traditional party of the super rich economic elite and the party that introduced slavish adherence to neoliberal economic policy, I had little faith that the Conservatives would do anything much to undo the gross economic iniquities built into the British system over the last 30 years, but you must feel free to prove me wrong.

I was amazed that the trade unions that provided such a large proportion of Labour party donations let neo-Labour get away with their cosy and relaxed attitude towards the super rich and the tax evaders amongst them (after all, even you would admit that the protection of the interests of ordinary working taxpayers against the interests of the super rich landed and corporate elite that would exploit them is meant to be the core purpose of the trade unions).

Having said this about the neo-labour legacy, I'd be equally amazed if the super rich bankers and corporatists that provide your party with such a hefty proportion of their donations and the media organisations that lend such loyal support to Tory political interests would allow you to get away with a honest and genuine all out “war on tax dodging” and the imposition of severe restrictions on other forms of economic spivvery.

Yours faithfully

Thomas G Clark

Unsurprisingly, Osborne kept up the dismal record of mainstream politicians by failing to reply to this letter.

Saturday, 27 August 2011

Shadow Tolls, a secretive drain on public finance


Every time a car uses the Dishforth-Darrington stretch of
the A1, a secretive shadow toll is paid out of public funds.
Every time you drive on particular stretches of British motorway, from the A1 between Darrington and Dishforth to the A50 Stoke to Derby link you will be triggering a secretive payment to corporate interests paid directly out of government funds.

A shadow toll is a neo-conservative economic instrument designed to siphon billions of pounds out of government coffers into the hands of corporate profiteers. The system was first proposed in 1993 by the Tory party in the UK as a method of financing roadbuilding and road widening schemes and remained popular with the neo-conservative New Labour party as the financial design of the schemes allowed chancellor Gordon Brown to these hide billions in public infrastructure costs by excluding shadow tolls and numerous other PFI scams from the national debt calculations.

The shadow toll system is based upon payments made by government to the private sector operator based on the number of vehicles using the road. Several other nations such as Finland, Canada and the Netherlands have experimented with shadow toll programmes, however the UK is still the global leader in the creation of these schemes.

The classic argument in favour of the shadow toll system is that shadow tolling eliminates the need for drivers to pay tolls directly, thus avoiding toll collection costs. This seems sensible until it is considered that the UK road network is largely toll free and that the alternative to shadow tolling shouldn't be considered to be direct tolling, it should be direct government financing of infrastructure development projects, since the government can borrow at much lower rates than the private sector and are not burdened with the additional costs of providing shareholder profits.

There are many criticisms of the shadow tolling system, these include the fact that shadow tolling requires the Government and private sector to agree to the additional infrastructure cost of continuous vehicle counts and the expensive and complicated legal arrangements between the parties mean that transaction costs can be very high.

In the early days of shadow tolling the British National Audit Office found that all of the first four shadow toll projects falsely exaggerated their projected public sector savings and one scheme would certainly have been cheaper to implement through traditional state funding. Despite these early criticisms, the shadow tolling ball was in motion and the UK government carried on rolling out more and more shadow toll projects.

A committee of MPs have recently published a report that admitted that huge numbers of PFI projects (including shadow toll roads) do not represent value to the taxpayer, describing PFI as an "extremely inefficient" method of financing infrastructure projects and made the admission that PFI schemes were pushed through using misleading cost calculations and "perverse" fiscal incentives.

Another criticism is that the maintenance of the UK road network is already financed through direct taxation such as vehicle tax, local council tax and fuel duties. The imposition of lengthy shadow tolling contracts actually reduces the amount of government funds to be spent on the maintenance of the rest of the road network.

Yet another criticism is that shadow tolling actually creates strong disincentives to introduce environmental schemes such as congestion charging, carpooling, car sharing or other schemes to reduce road usage as any state efforts to reduce traffic on shadow toll roads would be seen as deliberate efforts to undermine the corporate interests of the shadoe toll profiteers and trigger costly compensation cases.

The evidence is quite clear that these secretive neoliberal economic alchemy schemes are little more than financially inefficient scams designed use government funds to enrich a tiny corporatist elite and clearly demonstrate the hypocrisy of the neo-conservative corporatists, who despite all their small state bluster, are always more than happy to siphon cash directly out of government coffers.


 If you enjoyed this post, maybe you could buy me a beer? £1 would get me a can of cheap lager whilst £3 would get me a lovely pint of real ale.
 

Friday, 26 August 2011

UK property bubble, the case for market readjustment


As an economic recovery strategy austerity is not working. Defenders of the "orthodox neoliberal" response to the ongoing economic crisis often demand to know what the alternatives are to their favoured cut-now think later strategies. In this series I'm going to explore what some of these economic alternatives could be.

 
John Prescott's Pathfinder scheme led to the destruction of 100,000 of the
UK's most affordable houses. In many cases nothing has been built to replace them.
The British economic and political elites have a long track record of doing absolutely everything in their power to keep property prices at artificially inflated levels and prevent house prices falling back to sustainable levels. Their tactics include continued sales of social housing stock without replacement, deliberate destruction of swathes of affordable Victorian housing, running down the housebuilding sector in order to increase demand, refusing to regulate the something-for-nothing slumlord sector and printing loads of extra money (quantitative easing) while holding interest rates artificially low.

There are many reasons the political and economic elite have fuelled house price inflation. New Labour politicians benefited from a huge glow of smugness from middle England, as they saw their property values multiply with no effort or investment thanks to Gordon Browns house price bubble. The Tories are desperate to create the illusion that property values are not falling. The banks have benefited from decades of ever increasing lending, building up vast accumulations of mortgage collateral and the creation of millions of debt slaves.

If managed competently house price readjustment would only ruin speculators (financial, land and property) and the horrible buy-to-let parasites that did so much to create house price inflation and the 2008 economic crash in the first place.

Steps that should be taken to bring the UK housing market back down to sustainable levels:
  1. Build more social housing and ensure that the majority of new built private developments are affordable homes. There is no excuse for allowing developers to build whatever they like, thanks to permissive planning policies many of our cities are blighted with empty, (never even occupied) luxury city centre flats and apartments when the real social demand is for affordable family homes.
  2. End right to buy without reinvestment. Under current rules social housing can be sold off to the tenant but local authorities are prevented fro reinvesting the money in the construction of new social housing. This policy has massively depleated social housing stock to a point where there are now 1.7 million families on the waiting list for social housing.
  3. Stop pissing about with artificially low interest rates and money printing scams (quantitative easing). these measures are clearly only being used to prop up the banks and prevent a wave of foreclosures on negative equity properties which would bring down inflated property prices and leave many banks in even more over-leveraged positions.
  4. Force banks to sell all foreclosed properties within a given timescale to prevent the hoarding of empty property in order to increase demand and inflate the remaining market (tactics used on an industrial scale by Spanish banks after the 2008 Spanish housing market collapse).
  5. Give mortgage assistance only for "family home" properties. Anyone that gets trapped in negative equity through hoarding several buy-to-let properties will be getting exactly what they deserve, people that borrowed to buy a single home near the top of the market should be given assistance so that they can avoid negative equity and bankruptcy.
  6. Remove VAT charges from redevelopment costs, a tax on renovation is a tax on sustainability.
  7. Introduce an empty property tax to discourage property hoarding, a land value tax to prevent the speculative hoarding of building land and double rates of council tax for 2nd/3rd/4th homes, which would be paid into local council social housing funds.
  8. End Prescott's legacy of disgustingly wasteful Pathfinder schemes. The demolition of thousands of affordable quality (mostly Victorian) homes and the destruction of the communities that occupy them in order to drive up property values in adjacent areas and provide tracts of land for speculators to sit on is nothing short of sociological and environmental vandalism.
  9. Bring in proper regulation for the parasitic buy-to-let sector, measures should include the restoration of security of tenure for good tenants (abolished by Thatcher in 1988), local investigation and inspection teams with the power to confiscate properties that are dangerous and have been allowed to fall into disrepair, price banding of properties, protection from rent inflation, etc.
  10. Apply strict lending conditions to the banks in order to force  them to lend (the bailout money we gave them) to single home working families, not to property speculators and buy-to-let parasites.
These measures would cause a fire sale of buy-to-let and hoarded properties and return the British housing market to "the good old days" when a house was a home, not a bloody commodity.

Friday, 29 July 2011

UK government procurement, a litany of ineptitude

A few selected examples of massive overspends in UK government procurement.  A litany of ineptitude.

Gordon Brown's preference for neo-liberal economic alchemy like PFI
has lumbered the UK with hidden defecit of around £250 billion.
PFI: As Chancellor Gordon Brown favoured public investment through neo-liberal economic alchemy projects called PFI (Private Finance Initiative). Studies have shown that borrowing from the private sector in order to artificially reduce the national defecit has lumbered the UK with around £250 billion of overpriced and inflexible infrastructure debts. Studies have shown that PFI hospitals built for the NHS routinely come in 18-60% over budget, replace existing state facilities with smaller private ones and will eventually cost NHS Trusts multiple times the value of constructing the facilities through government borrowing. After the contracts expire, what was originally state infrastructure is left under the control and ownership of private investors. Brown favoured these scams because it allowed him to hide the infrastructure costs off the government debt calculations. The inflexibility of many PFI contracts and their one side penalty charges force NHS Trusts and local authorities to sacrifice other local services in order to keep up their PFI payments, often on infrastructure that is unfit for purpose.

Metronet: the shareholders pulled out of this PFI consortium to maintain and upgrade the London Underground when they got into financial difficulty, leaving the system in chaos with a legacy of unfit signalling equipment, rolling stock and infrastructure, lumbering the taxpayer with estimated costs of £2 billion.

NHS Connecting for Health: The NHS computer spine was ordered in 2003 and originally expected to cost £2.3 billion over three years, in June 2006 the total cost was estimated by the National Audit Office to be £12.4bn over 10 years, the project is still far from completion and the eventual cost is currently estimated to be over £20 billion. The project itself has been described as offering few clinical benefits and suffering from serious data security issues. The costs of the venture should have been lessened by the contracts signed by the IT providers making them liable for huge sums of money if they withdrew from the project; however, when Accenture withdrew in September 2006, then Director-General for NPfIT, Richard Granger charged them not £1bn, as the contract permitted, but just £63m. Granger's first job was with Andersen Consulting, which later became Accenture.

NOMS: The original projected budget for the Home Office procurement of the National Offender Management System was £99 million. By 2008 the cost of the project had risen to £513 million, meaning that the project will end up more that 400% over budget.

Eurofighter Typhoons: Originally ordered in the mid 1980s the fleet of RAF Eurofigther Typhoons eventually cost more than £20 billion, with each aeroplane costing more than 75% more than predicted. The fighters are still suffering technical difficulties and will not be fully adapted for ground attacks until at least 2018, more than 30 years after they were originally ordered. Tory defence equipment minister Peter Luff had little more to say than "the MOD and Eurofigter had learnt from past problems with the programme", yes, they learnt that they could waste £billions of taxpayer's money without any serious repercussions or criminal charges.

1995 Chinooks: The MOD spent at least £500 million and the best part of a decade on upgrades to 8 Chinook helicopters that were not airworthy, unsafe and unfit for purpose when delivered at a cost of £259 million in 2001. A ten year operational delay, a tripling of costs and the procurement of the most expensive helicopters in history.

Brian MacGregor, Tory Transport minister 1992-1994
drew up the regional monopolies blueprint for the UK rail network
and his influence should be considered the most damaging
since Dr Beeching's "axe" in the 1960s.
The Rail Network: Realising that they were almost certain to lose the 1997 general election the Tories rushed through the privatisation of British Rail, which one of the most botched and inefficient privatisation schemes in history. The system was fractured into many regional monopolies, each monopoly running trains hired from private rolling stock operating companies (ROSCOs) on a privately maintained network. The network operators Railtrack increased profits by reducing safety maintenance on the tracks, eventually (after numerous fatal accidents) Railtrack was replaced with a quasi state controlled organisation called Network Rail which went on to run up an estimated £24 billion debt while the board of directors awarded themselves obscene pay raises and bonuses in a jobs-for-the-boys culture they also spent £millions of public money paying off and gagging whistleblowers and harassment victims. The ROSCOs didn't bother to order any new rolling stock for the 1,064 days after rail privatisation causing the near complete destruction of the one world leading British train industry.

When Labour came to power, they refused to reform the rail franchising system and even handed out longer term contracts to many of the regional monopolies. The worst example was the Network Rail East Coast Mainline franchise which began with annual subsidies for operator National Express but under the terms of the contract the operator would eventually end up paying a £1.4 billion lease for the franchise. As the subsidies were phased out National Express bailed out of the contract lumbering the taxpayer with an estimated £700 million in costs. Despite ditching their responsibilities and shafting the taxpayer National Express were allowed to keep their other rail franchises elsewhere on the network and nothing will prevent them from bidding for future rail contracts.

Under the state run British rail system in 1994 the net subsidy to the rail network was £1.6 billion, eleven years later net subsidies to the privatised rail network had increased to £4.6 billion despite no large scale improvements to the rail infrastructure. Even if the 1994 figure is adjusted by RPI to 2005 terms (£2.2 billion) the annual cost to the taxpayer of running Britain's railways has more than doubled under privatisation while passengers face increasingly overcrowded trains and inflation busting fare rises year after year.

Mapley Steps: Perhaps the most absurd example of witless government procurement is the case of HM Revenue & Customs' £3.3bn contract with a firm called Mapeley, in which the UK tax inspectorate handed over the ownership and management of 591 tax offices to an offshore company based in the Cayman Islands. The cost of  the contract has subsequently risen to an estimated £3.87bn and the department has found that it cannot recover its own VAT on their rent. The National Audit Office criticised the deal stating that "any apparent savings for the department are accompanied by reduced tax revenues." As well as cost overruns and lost tax revenue it also seems that HM Revenue & Customs will be forced to pay compensation to the offshore company as numerous tax offices are closed as part of the Tory austerity measures. To date nobody in government or the civil service has been held accountable for the creation of such a ludicrous contract specifying that the UK tax inspectorate pay billions of pounds in rent into a massive tax avoidance scheme and no moves have been made to force the company to pay UK tax on their profits.

These and many other government outsourcing projects have cost the UK taxpayer tens of billions of pounds. In order to stop the casual waste of taxpayer's money I propose several reforms to UK government procurement, including a ban on contracts with companies that refuse to pay UK tax on their profits, a procurement watchdog and a procurement blacklist for companies that have been found guilty of shafting the taxpayer. I have gone into greater my proposals on my (forthcoming) "Manifesto for the UK economy" article.